By Asma Masood
“In societies where men are truly confident of
their own worth, women are not merely tolerated but valued."
― Aung San Suu Kyi
(From a speech read on video on August 31, 1995 before the NGO Forum on Women, Beijing, China)[1]
The roots of the Rohingya crisis must be understood before
studying the plight of the women of this ethnic group:
The Rohingya
were early settlers from Bangladesh in Myanmar, largely in Rakhine (Arakan)
province. The British colonizers at the time ensured greater migration of the
Rohingya from Bangladesh, to contribute to Myanmar’s economy. They did
contribute in a significant way, be it as farmers, soldiers or civil servants. However
their status in society took a beating when Myanmar gained independence in 1948
and the government began systematically marginalizing them. The resulting
demand by some of the Rohingya political leaders for a separate state did not
help to improve the situation. It was worsened when the military junta took
power in 1962 and launched an onslaught against the Rohingya. The most
significant aspect was the government denying them even their identity. They
were not referred to as ‘Rohingya’, but as ‘illegal Bengali migrants’. Fuel was
added to the fire when in 1982, a new Citizenship Act was introduced. It
required that a citizen can only be he/she belonging to one of the 135 national
races whose ancestors lived in Myanmar before 1823. The Rohingya, unable to
show documentary proof for this rule, became mired in a Catch-22 situation.
They were not recognized as citizens by the government, which led to their
being denied political representation, religious freedom, education,
employment, free movement and healthcare. They even had to apply for a permit
to get married, which involved a long wait. They had no choice but to do unpaid
manual labour for the military forces. Violence became a common affair. The
large-scale 2012 riots brought international spotlight on the crisis. Many have
chosen to leave for Bangladesh,
Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, Pakistan, India, Philippines, Australia and
Saudi Arabia.[3] The Rohingya
women are especially subject to dangers of migration, such as trafficking, rape
or death during the hazardous journeys.
Trapped in a vicious cycle of statelessness, detention, migration
and poverty, these Rohingya ladies
While they do complain of occasional stress, the women insist
they are content. This is not surprising, given that they are far from the
crowds of violence back home in Myanmar. There, they knew little of dignity in
life. Evicted from their lands with their families they became Internally
Displaced Persons (IDPs) and linger in a matrix of statelessness. The Myanmar
government claims that they belong in Bangladesh. Dhaka refuses to recognize
this verdict. Instead it struggles to contain the steady stream of asylum
seekers trickling in across the porous border, settling those who get through
in already over-crowded camps.
One young girl among the Bangladeshi camps is the daughter of
40 year old Salma*[4]. Salma is a refugee at the Kelambakkam camp (near Chennai, India).
She explains with eyes as wide as saucers that she too once stayed in the same
camp as her daughter in Bangladesh. After marrying her off to a Rohingya
refugee, she took the difficult journey with her husband and other children of
travelling to India via the Northeast, then to Jammu and Kashmir, and finally
to South India.
Here, along with the other Rohingya asylum seekers, she was
granted a refugee card by UNHCR. This piece of paper is literally a golden
ticket for the Rohingya. Without it, they face the risk of being denied refugee
benefits by UNHCR, or being sold by trafficking rings.
Human trafficking is a major concern for the Rohingya escaping
the turmoil they face in Myanmar. Some men agree to become labourers, and are
trafficked. However, as in the case of Robi Alam whose story appeared in the
New York Times[5], they are then held hostage by the traffickers who demand a
ransom from their wives back home in Myanmar’s detention camps. These women,
like 30 year old Robi Alom’s wife Jano Begum, are forced to choose between
saving their husband’s life and keeping their meager earnings for feeding their
starving child. Decision-making is demanded as a basic right by women in this
day and age. But in this case, the Rohingya women are seen getting into murkier
waters by having to choose. Jano Begum told Robi’s kidnappers that she could
send no more money. Soon after, she received news of her husband’s death in the
jungle. Another pressing choice Rohingya women face is to either give in to sex
traffickers or marry off their daughters to ageing men from Malaysia, who are
ready to pay a hefty price to smugglers for the brides’ journey.[6] The latter is generally the norm, to save the women and
girls from brothels.
The situation resounds of the similar plight of ethnic Kachin
women in northern Myanmar, who are often sold as brides to Chinese men or
trafficked to brothels. [7] The high demand for the ‘fair-skinned’ Kachin brides is to
offset the imbalance because of China’s one child policy. However there is no
demand for the Muslim Rohingya brides in Yunnan province. Besides the
Sino-Myanmar border is not as porous as the one between Bangladesh-Myanmar. In
addition, China does not welcome Rohingya asylum-seekers, despite public
statements for an “Asian solution”[8] to the crisis. Indonesia too turns a blind eye to the
‘boat-people”.[9]
On the other hand, India is silently refraining from turning
back Rohingya asylum seekers entering
Having a means to a livelihood, no matter what nature, is
another luxury. But these means are restricted to the men folk. When the
Rohingya refugees were asked by this author why the women were not working, for
instance as domestic help, the reply given was that they will not permit their
women to leave home for employment, as it is “unIslamic”. This led to this
author querying whether the women there are ready to learn skills such as
sewing and dress-making, in order to make a living from home. They seemed eager
to develop such talents. However, they point at the empty corridors, where no
sewing machine awaits them. Besides the women stand their small daughters. Tiny
gold studs glisten from their earlobes. The women, surprisingly, are adorned
with a little jewelry. This author wonders if this is how the refugee men
‘value’ their women.
Similar to the picture back home in Myanmar, female Rohingya
IDPs or asylum seekers/refugees have no economic rights. The men seem to want
to cover this up. For instance, Sultan*, a Kelambakkam Rohingya refugee says
with a glint of pride in his eyes of how he once owned acres of land in his
Myanmar village. When asked in a second interview whether their women back home
owned land, he says, “How could they? When we men ourselves were not permitted
to be land-owners.” They also claim to not pay ‘mahar’, the Islamic tradition
of payment made by the newly married groom to the bride.
The extremely conservative nature of the poor Rohingya is also
reflected in lack of education, not only among girls but also boys. The term
‘learning’, for the Rohingya, largely refers to madrasa schooling, or religious
education. Madrasas were banned in Myanmar, and here at Kelambakkam one of the
parents’ biggest worry is that there is no channel for Islamic learning for
their children. While a Government-run school functions nearby, the principal
describes in an interview with this author how the Rohingya children hardly
attend classes. They are given tremendous leeway in light of their pitiful
state, yet there is no enthusiasm among either child or elder to progress. The
excuse given by the Rohingya is that they will not stay here indefinitely, so
why should they educate their children in a Tamil-medium school.
Indeed, they still cling to hope of returning to Myanmar, on
the condition that they are given statehood and allowed to name themselves as
‘Rohingya’. In the meantime, for Kelambakkam refugees the near future involves
scrimping enough to get by and eventually marry off their daughters as soon the
girls attend puberty. However, this outlook sees a remarkable exception, in the
hues of Ayesha*, a 12 year old Rohingya refugee girl at the Kelambakkam
settlement. Her father has done the unthinkable among his brethren, by
permitting and encouraging his daughter to continue her studies.
The move has come with a price. Ayesha’s family is being
ignored by the other refugees. They show their displeasure by hinting that she
ought to be at the settlement and have a groom found for her. Ayesha’s father Khan*
brushes their comments aside. Truly, he has long term plans for his children’s
future.
Nevertheless, the letdown remains that his community of
Rohingya are denied conventional education at all levels back in Myanmar.
Madrasa schooling is banned as well. Besides, the lucky few Muslims in Myanmar
who are educated, be it the Rohingya or other ethnic groups, are unable to find
employment relevant to their qualifications. The Rohingya especially are
ostracized to detention camps.
Adding salt to the wound is the whisper among some academic
circles that the Rohingya are rejected by other countries because they “have no
skills”. While it is true that the Rohingya historically have little interest
in education[10], the blanket statement about lack of skills is a mark of
stereotyping. There is evidence to show there are some Rohingya people, even
young women and girls, who have defied political prejudices. Wai Wai Nu is a
shining example. In fact she has been dubbed the ‘Rohingya Princess’ by the
media. Wai Wai was 18 and studying law when she was arrested in 2005; her
crime was to be the daughter of Kyaw Min, a Rohingya who was elected as member
of parliament in the 1990 elections, the results of which were ignored by
Myanmar's military rulers.[11]
After being held as a political prisoner for seven years, she was released with
her family when Thein Sein took power as President and introduced political
reforms. She now runs a community organization, Women Peace Network Arakan[12].
It is a small ray of light amidst the darkness that pervades the Rohingya
landscape. Wai Wai has been recognized by the international community for her
efforts to better the situation for Rohingya women. She had even attended a
dinner at the White House.
Ayesha,
like Wai Wai, has let go of the comfort zone of societal prejudice against
education and paved a way for herself. One cannot help thinking that the
Rohingya women need to bring about a change in themselves to see a change in
their future.
While
it is not being denied that they are being subject to harsh circumstances, it
is not recommended that they live a complacent life in asylum shelters/refugee
camps. The outlook of sheltering young girls and women must be converted into
one of true worthiness of the female gender. Their status as care-givers and
nurturers of the family should transcend traditional beliefs. When one girl in
the family is educated, the entire group benefits. They can learn about their
rights, get better access to facilities such as the ID card required to be
carried by them back in Myanmar, and be assertive when standing up for their
civil liberties. They can be better informed about the need for maintaining
personal health and hygiene, an aspect being ignored by Rohingya women at the
Kelambakkam camp. According to a government-run clinic nearby, they do not bring
their newborns or children for vaccinations. In fact, they do not come for
regular check-ups themselves when pregnant. Another pressing problem among the
Rohingya is that they desire a large number of children. This is despite their
political, economic and social problems. They believe that family planning is
against their religion Islam. Indeed, a change is needed among their orthodox
views.
One
cannot help comparing the Rohingya refugees near Chennai, to the Sri Lankan
refugees in Tamil Nadu (a South Indian state, of which Chennai is the capital
city). They are known for their commitment to their children’s education, even
for girls. In fact, the author attended a World Refugee Day event organized by
UNHCR at Stella Maris College, Chennai, which some refugees from various
countries residing in and near Tamil Nadu attended. It was heartening to
observe a young Sri Lankan Tamil refugee speaking of her experiences. She
regretted that she had to discontinue her higher secondary school education
back home because of the violence. However she has taken it upon herself to
ensure her small daughter is not denied access to a full education. Likewise, the
Rohingya women will do well by dedicating greater attention to their own and
their children’s education.
Nevertheless,
change is not a one-way street. There must be action on the Myanmar
government’s part to ensure the safety of Rohingya girls and women. The
Rohingya women at the Kelambakkam camp are secure in their environment. They
fill their evenings with joint prayers, seeking solace for their people. They
also attend Friday prayers at a mosque nearby. When asked if they sing to amuse
themselves, a look of mock horror is given. They believe that singing is a
“sin” and would rather just pray. One cannot help thinking that this was not
the case even during Prophet Muhammad’s time when women would sing at special
occasions. The Rohingya women may be silent when asked to sing, but even more
deafening is the silence of Aung San Suu Kyi. She too must galvanize her people
to change their attitude against the Rohingya, instead of letting their actions
dictate her policies.
Until
then, prayer is not enough. As the Islamic saying goes, “One must tie the camel
up, then pray for it to not be stolen.” In other words, an effort must be made
for one’s prayer to be answered. The Muslim community in and around Chennai can
also catalyze efforts to help the Rohingya by talking to them about the
importance of education and healthcare, helping the Rohingya refugees,
including the women find means to a better livelihood, and their overall well-being.
The Government of Tamil Nadu can also expand its goodwill measures to these
refugees.
In
the meantime, the Rohingya, especially those from rural areas and those against
girls’ education must realize that learning will empower their women, and not
expose their vulnerability. If they choose to ensure that their daughters
regularly attend school when in the refugee camps, a silver lining is not far
off.
One
cannot help being taken aback when Ayesha’s father Khan says in a low voice in
Urdu, “When the iman (faith in God)
is good, then all aspects, even education, fall into place.” Indeed, the
Rohingya must start ‘tying up their camels’, parallel to the Myanmar government
providing the ropes. These are the threads of dignity, citizenship, education
and employment. Together, they can weave a beautiful tapestry of harmony and
justice in Myanmar.
(Asma Masood is a Research Officer with the Chennai Centre
for China Studies, India. She can be contacted at asma.masood11@gmail.com.
Twitter:@asmamasood11)
[2]
Prof. V. Suryanarayan, “ Refugees from Myanmar: Rohingyas in Kelambakkam”,
Chennai Centre for China Studies, July 1 2016, http://www.c3sindia.org/myanmar/5661
[3]
Ibid 2
[4]*
Names marked in asterisk are changed to protect privacy.
[5] Nicholas
Kristof, “In Myanmar, a Wife’s Wrenching Decision”, New York Times, January 16
2016, http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/14/opinion/in-myanmar-a-wifes-wrenching-decision.html?_r=0
[6] Chris Buckley and Ellen Barry, “Rohingya Women Flee Violence Only
to Be Sold Into Marriage”, New York Times, August 2 2015, http://www.nytimes.com/2015/08/03/world/asia/rohingya-women-flee-violence-only-to-be-sold-into-marriage.html?smid=fb-share
[7]
Asma Masood, “Myanmar: The Economics of Trafficking”, Institute of Peace and
Conflict Studies, July 1 2013, http://www.ipcs.org/article/peace-and-conflict-database/myanmar-the-economics-of-trafficking-4016.html
[8]
Asma Masood, “From Rice to Rights: Potential for India and China to
Resolve the Rohingya crisis”, Mizzima Weekly,
Issue 36, Vol. 4, September 3, 2015, http://www.c3sindia.org/terrorismandsecurity/5224
[9] “Indonesia to 'turn back Rohingya' boats”, Al Jazeera, May 12 2015, http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/05/150512045951738.html
[10]
Asma Masood, “Myanmar: FDI, Local
Economy and the Rohingya Conflict”, Institute of Peace and Conflict
Studies, July 10 2013, http://www.ipcs.org/article/peace-and-conflict-database/myanmar-fdi-local-economy-and-the-rohingya-conflict-4030.html
